The European Union has brought sanctions against three members of Iran's Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) for assisting in Syria's crackdown on demonstrations.
Reuters reports that the EU has released the details of the sanctions it proposes to impose on Syria.
IRGC Commander Mohammad Ali Jafari, deputy of IRGC intelligence Hossein Taeb and the Commander of Qods Forces of the IRGC, Ghassem Soleymani have been put on the EU blacklist. They have been accused of "providing military equipment and assisting in the crackdown on popular protests by the Syrian government."
In addition, the EU is boycotting a number of Syrian construction and investment companies for financially assisting the suppression of Syrian protests.
The West and Syrian refugees in Turkey have accused Iran of participating in the clampdown on Syrian protests, but Iran has repeatedly denied any such involvement. Similar denials come from Syria's foreign minister, who accuses the EU of interfering in his country's internal affairs.
The EU has already placed travel restrictions on 23 Syrian officials including President Beshar Assad. Germany, France, Britain and Portugal have initiated a move in the UN to declare the oppression of Syria's people as a crime against humanity. Russia says it rejects the move and will use its veto to block it.
Human rights groups report that 1,300 people have been killed in Syria since protests began in March. Ten thousand people have been arrested and thousands have fled to Turkey and Lebanon.
source: Radio Zamaneh
Let the Swords Encircle Me is one of the numerous books through which after-election events in Iran have been described, but maybe it is one of the bestsellers in this case; a book that has been reprinted many times, acclaimed by Middle East and Iranian studies scholars and written by an American journalist, Scott Peterson. According to the Amazon website, more than seven thousands reviews have been written on Peterson's book, which was also chosen by Publishers Weekly as the book of year.
Peterson was in Iran during the strange exciting days of the presidential elections and could witness and feel everything. Nevertheless, his book cannot be considered only as a simple report on Iranian protests. The writer has tried to find the origins of the events by searching the history of contemporary Iran and showing a future perspective by considering the present situation of the country; as the secondary title of the book, Iran – A Journey Behind the Headlines also shows.
Peterson has been engaged in the case of Iran since 1996 and has written many detailed reports and articles on the issue.
About two years ago, in your book Let the Swords Encircle Me, you discussed the start of an irreversible decline in Iran regime. Do you still think so? Or do you think that the regime has been able to overcome the post-election crises?
I think events of the last two years have only shown how the Islamic System in Iran is in great crisis, and since the 2009 an irreversible one. Though the hardliners and the ‘osulgaran’ or principalist faction, to which Ahmadinejad belongs, have declared victory of one kind or another virtually every day since that stolen vote, in fact even though they have succeeded in pushing the Green Movement and reformist leaders out of public view, they have demonstrated the deep divisions that exist among factions at the highest level of the political system. What struck me in 2009 during the street battles was the clear belief, among the enforcers, that old-school tactics work today as well as they did decades ago: truncheons, beatings, arrests. That belief told me that mindset of the enforcers was archaic and therefore, in this day and age, incomplete. It may have APPEARED to the enforcers that they "won," by eventually snuffing out street protests. But do they really believe they also CONVINCED people of their cause?
You are among the journalists who witnessed the events after the 10th presidential election in Iran and praised the Green Movement. Now, it has been sometime since those large demonstrations last happened in Iran. Has the Green Movement been weakened? How do you totally consider its situation now that the election has just had its second anniversary?
The Green Movement has certainly been very weakened by the removal of many of its means of communication, and means of public demonstration of its strength and power. But the Green Movement – in all of its various shades and manifestations – still very much exists. And it exists very widely. As a proof, witness the fact that even two years after the vote, not a single day goes by without some senior official talking about it. They are obsessed. No one doubts the presence of the sun on a cloudy day; neither should anyone doubt the existence of the Greens.
It has been sometime since the Green Movement leaders, Mr. Mousavi, Mr. Karroubi and their wives have been under house arrest. What is its effect on the circumstances of struggles in Iran? May it cause the circumstances to go toward radicalism?
The fate of Mr. Moussavi and Mr. Karroubi tells us how weak and voiceless they have currently been forced to become, thanks to powerful anti-democratic, anti-republican forces in Iran. But it also demonstrates very clearly how important these men remain, as a perceived danger to Iran's hardline factions – and the impossibility of erasing their ideas, complaints, and plans for reform of the political system. I think their house arrest has had a radicalizing influence on the pro-democracy movement, because instead of hearing the voices of these men for moderation and reform of the Islamic system – in a way that preserves that system – people now have every right to believe that it is impossible to reform that system from within. Therefore, only radical measures should be used – such as violence – to deal with radical aims like removing the velayat-e faqih.
The house arrest of Mousavi and Karroubi had a radicalizing influence on the pro-democracy movement
You wrote on the recent disagreements between Mr. Ahmadinejad and Ayatollah Khamenei as the "worst storm" of Mr. Ahmadinejad's presidency. Do you think that Mr. Ahmadinejad and his supporters can resist against Iran’s supreme leader? Which group will benefit from balance of power in future?
I don't believe that Mr. Ahmadinejad can prevail against the supreme leader, mostly because he has so little political support from the factions that these days matter most in Iran, and also because he has angered so many during his most divisive time as president. Both men have been diminished as leaders by this fight. Ahmadinejad has been shown to be petulant, and overly ambitious, and sometimes recklessly oblivious to the impact of his actions. Now his attackers feel free to criticize the "deviant trend" that they perceive among the president's closest allies, and even describe it as the most "dangerous" threat to the political system since the Islamic Revolution – which is saying a lot, indeed. But at the same time, Khamenei has been shown to have misjudged mightily the man he backed for president as a "divine assessment." He has stepped in to micro-manage this crisis, and found that his traditional role as the one above politics, who can balance competing factions, has been undermined. Because both camps have been diminished, this shows a fundamental weakness in an Islamic system that Khomeini once called the "Government of God." The question people ask, of course, is: if this is God's government, how could be possibly be so messy?
Throughout your book, you have shown that Iranian educated and young people's desires and wishes differ from the ones of the regime. What are the roots of this division and the results it may cause?
There are many reasons for the gap between the desires of many Iranians – especially the young and educated – and those of the regime, which so often seems caught in a time warp, as if the clocks stopped during the Iran-Iraq war. Many of the early, strongest reformers were hardline radical supports of the Revolution in the early years, people who toppled the Shah and fought the "infidel" Saddam in Iraq, and believed in all the tenets of the Revolution that called for justice and freedom. Those reformers thought the Revolution needed to evolve, and thereby carry Iran's huge youth population with it. But for those ideologues frozen in time – those were unwilling to see any change at all, and who prevailed in the late 1990s and ever since – they have lost huge portions of Iran's population who want to engage with the outside world, and show Persia to still be a place of unique ideas and culture.
The fact that Iran's cinema is regaled around the world – often using techniques that directors learned watching the war-time work of Morteza Avini and the Revayat-e Fath series of war films – tells much about what rich culture exists in Iran. And the fact that so many of Iran's finest directors are now in exile, or jailed, or ordered not to make films for 20 years – says much about the decrepit thinking that prevails among Iran's leadership today.
A chapter of your book has concentrated on the cultural approach of Mr. Khatami administration. How do you consider the function of his administration? What were the effects of his reforms on Iranian society?
There were no secrets about how Iranian culture blossomed during the Khatami era; it was enough to simply remove some of the government-imposed restrictions on people's lives, and permit some freedoms. Iranians don't need to be told what do to, and they grabbed that loosening very strongly. Of course, he was a man who adhered to the law, and many Iranians say he was too much of a gentleman to step into the rough-and-tumble of Iranian politics. And of course, his problem was that his opponents did not respect the law, and were happy to use violence and force to intimidate and kill, and to make their point.
Again we come back to this unsustainable calculation on the part of the hardliners and regime enforcers, like Ansar and other militant groups: a fundamental belief that you can beat people into submission; that you can "win" by using force, and make people change their minds and support you. But as we can so clearly see, in Iran this is no longer the case. And in fact, I think it is not wrong when Mr. Mousavi describes how the real lesson of Imam Hossein for Iranians is not for the most devout – who often wield the clubs and chains in God's name – but is for the reform/Green Movement. Because it is all about resistance to tyranny, resistance to the use of force, resistance to being forced to believe anything that you know is not right.
You showed that in spite of Iran official propaganda, most of Iranians are pro-American people. Don't you think that the U.S. sanctions against Iran may cause Iranian people to change their mind about America? Do such sanctions cause anything other than harms for Iranian people?
I am not sure how US sanctions against Iran affect views of Iranians toward the US. There are so many issues between these two countries, and yet Iranians respect very much the rhetoric of American democracy and freedom, if not how it has been practiced in recent decades in Iraq, Afghanistan, and many other places. Many Iranians have been affected negatively by the sanctions on the personal level, which is a very big problem for the American policy-makers who say: "We are not targeting ordinary Iranians." And yet, it is those very ordinary Iranians who have very limited opportunities for banking abroad, or even booking a holiday in another country. So the sanctions have had those drawbacks. They have also given the political system an excuse to blame the US and UN for their own economic problems, and have forced the Sepah (army) and other regime organs to become much more self-sufficient, on everything from defense manufacturing to the nuclear program. But on the other hand, the sanctions have also raised the pressure on the regime in many ways. Will that "change behavior" in Tehran, as Washington wants? I doubt it. But the strain has been great.
Iranians respect very much the rhetoric of American democracy and freedom
What could be the effect of the region developments on Iran? Will the results be for Iran’s regime or against it?
I believe that one of the biggest problems for the Iranian political system in the coming years will be the fallout from the anti-regime revolutions sweeping across the Arab world, the so-called "Arab Spring." For three decades, Iranians boasted that it was they – the Persian, Shiite Iranians – who had the courage to topple their regime in a popular and total revolution, while the Sunni Arabs sat and did nothing against all the dictators, monarchs and autocrats who ruled for so long across the Arab world. Then we had the 2009 election and pro-democracy protests, which have so far failed to dislodge or improve the Islamic Republic. And now we have the Arab example of "uprising." And not just one, but Tunisia, Egypt, and almost certainly soon Libya and Syria and Yemen, and possibly Bahrain. Will all these Arab activists not re-invest the Iranian street with a feeling of life and potential for change? Of course it will.
Which is why I think it has been so dangerous for the regime to embrace these changes as an "Islamic Awakening," as Ayatollah Khamenei has done. Of course, he wants to appear to be on the right side of history, on the right side of "revolution." But having reported on these revolutions in the Arab world, and knowing the divisions and hypocrisy in Iran that have diminished Iran's reputation across the Arab world as a "model" of anything, I believe that the Islamic Republic will not be able to avoid the flow of change for long. I am not sure that this means that, five years from now, the Islamic Republic will have been "erased from the face of time," but I expect that this system will no longer persist as it is currently configured. That won't be the result of any definitive outside intervention, I believe, but from the mismanagement and misjudgment of Iran's own hardline leadership.
I don’t know where to begin from. Shall I begin from just two days ago when we put on our trainers, held our water bottles at hand and went to the streets as usual, or from two years ago when we were exhilarated and dreamt of many things happily, or from twenty years ago when I was a kid and didn’t go to school and I saw my father struggling with the radio, holding it near his ear and adjusting the radio waves to hear the news on BBC? There’s no difference, the story is the same, no matter from where I begin. Only I have grown older through these years and more and more despair has been stored in my heart. Hatred has grown bigger and bigger and a scream is locked up in my throat.
I can’t believe it. It is unbelievable that it is now six years that Mahmoud Ahmadinezhad is Iran’s president. More than 2000 days. It is terrifying. No one can believe it. Although people were disappointed with the reform period, although people said nothing changes whoever comes, no one could imagine that after the reformists were defeated, such a villain would emerge. Now almost every week, odd words are said by the country’s representative and almost every day we are embarrassed in front of the whole world because of this false government. Our story was so sad but became even worse with the presence of Mahmoud as president.
I was born in a political family. Islamic Republic’s television was boycott in our house since I can remember and if we desperately had to watch the news, it was accompanied by my father’s complaints and swear words and my mother’s curses. We always had newspapers at home and there were mostly political discussions in our gatherings and parties. I was worried and listened to them anxiously. I was afraid they would come and arrest us; I feared them coming to our house, taking away my father. My childhood went on like this: they lie in the TV, they lie to you at school; don’t believe the things written in your “religious studies” book. Our teacher had told us you have to begin everything saying “In the name of God” and God won’t like you if you don’t. Imagine a seven year-old child who tries hard not to forget in the name of God in the beginning of every single job. I began watching cartoons saying in the name of God, I began riding the bicycle the same way, I began eating, going to the WC, washing my hands, wearing clothes, everything, like that. It had become a nightmare for me whether I have remembered God in everything I have done or not. It was so stressful and made me feel guilty all the time. I thought “Oh! I forgot! I didn’t remember God when I wanted to start writing my homework.” Until one day my mother who had become suspicious of my behavior asked me about its reason and when I explained to her what was going on she said something under her breath and told me our teacher was wrong. “Do whatever you like.” “Doesn’t anything bad happen if I don’t say in the name of God?” I asked. “No it won’t. Do it once and see what happens.” She said. This was the beginning of my disobedience, the beginning of suspicion and thinking about the world. I was only seven.
My childhood went on like this: they lie in the TV, they lie to you at school; don’t believe the things written in your “religious studies” book
“How long have you been here? From ten? Nine? Eight? Anybody tired? The giant took the boobs away. Pour the water on where you’ve burned. Those who claim to be intellects don’t understand as much as a sheep. These are only motes of dust and dirt.”
I grew up and the story was still the same. The reformists had just succeeded. People were excited and came to the streets as soon as something happened. I had a new bicycle those days. I had tied ribbons to it and rode it fast in the alleys and streets and watched people who seemed happy for the first time in my life. I was surprised. People were different now, they sat in the parks and talked. In the classes, institutes, and seminars they said the same things my parents, aunts, and uncles had kept murmuring for years. Political development, elections, bottom-up pressure, top-down bargaining, democracy, civil freedom. These words were repeated every day and although I didn’t understand their meaning, I felt something was going on. Things were changing. Girls wore more beautiful outfits in the street. Boys had their hair in new models. People were interested in new things I had never heard of; things like concert, NGO, CD, internet. Even the places I often visited had gone through a change. Book stores were full of new books. Critical and intellectual newspapers were doubled. I who previously bought only Keihan Bacheha, now filled my bicycle’s basket with three or four newspapers that were filled with interesting things to read. I had made friends with the newspaper man. Do you have Jame’e? Do you have Toos? Do you have Azadegan? What about Sobhe Emrooz? I read the papers although I couldn’t understand them and kept asking my parents. Who is the Red Master? Who is the Grey Master? Where is the Darkroom of the Ghosts?
“Ahmadinezhad, 24000000 votes. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad became president for the second time. Ethical security patrols. Forbidden books. Closed magazines. Suspended students.”
Khatami cried. Khatami wiped his tears and became president for the second time. But all those happy days seemed to belong to dreams. Khatami wiped his tears but we were no longer pleased. Right after 18th Khordad 1380 we began to fall. Khatami was no longer that lovely laughing character and people had lost their hope and enthusiasm. People began nagging and the newspapers went back to the newspaper stands and were abandoned by the ministry of culture as usual. My father went back to his old radio and I who was going through adolescence now felt sad about the despair that had filled the society and became deeply hopeless. I wanted to move away from here. I wanted to forget all the inequalities.
This was how 1384 disaster happened. As Ahmadinejad entered the presidential house, I entered university and despite what I had thought for all my life, university was not a place one could cry out loud and make up for the lost things. It was like hell. I can never forget the grumpy and suspicious faces of the guards. I felt miserable when I saw the girls in the university scared to death seeing those guards. I told them why the hell are you so frightened? Who do you think he is? What can he do to you? We couldn’t even have a simple ceremony in the college. We couldn’t even celebrate Yalda night in the university. They even closed the Islamic Association. The same went on outside university: literary societies were forbidden, NGOs were abandoned. They did whatever they wanted and we didn’t say a word, until:
“According to the information we have from our representatives in the election centers, I am the actual winner of the elections with a relatively high vote percent” (Mir Hossein Mousavi, 22nd Khordad 1388).
On 22nd of Khordad two years ago I took a shower, brushed my hair, wore my best clothes and went to Hoseinie Ershad with my girlfriend to vote. We talked about the newspaper headings of the next day and returned home. When the first results were announced we were all shocked. I didn’t sleep the whole night from anxiety and stress. We kept calling each other. My friends asked me what’s going on. And all of us answered coup d’etat.
It is now two years that all our life has become a battle
Our voices became a loud cry. Twenty or so years of murmuring became a loud cry. If 2nd of Khordad didn’t belong to us, if reform was for the previous generation, the Green Movement belonged to the generation whose years of youth were ruined during four years of Ahmadinejad’s presidency. It belonged to the generation who had been humiliated, the generation whose beliefs didn’t have anything in common with the ideals of the regime. Although it had grown up in this regime and after its revolution. The generation who was born during the war and spent its childhood with the sound of gunfire instead of music. The generation who grew up in the days of poverty, witnessed the unfinished reforms, and became more and more angry every day Ahmadinejad was a president. Everything is different now. It is now two years that all our life has become a battle and it goes on through every small detail of our everyday life. This generation will not turn back and pity for the previous dark years. We look to the future and the bright days ahead. Bright days for the generaton who cried out loud.
وزارت خزانهداری آمریکا روز پنجشنبه در بیانیهای اعلام کرد، شرکت هواپیمایی جمهوری اسلامی، ایران ایر، به همراه دو نهاد و یک شهروند ایرانی را به اتهام نقض تحریمهای بینالمللی و همچنین همکاری با سپاه پاسداران و کمک به حزب الله لبنان مورد تحریم قرار داده است.
در بیانیه وزارت خزانه داری آمریکا آمده است: سپاه پاسداران و وزارت دفاع جمهوری اسلامی از خطوط «ایران ایر» برای حمل و نقل تسلیحات نظامی استفاده میکنند و به همین دلیل شرکت هواپیمایی ایران در فهرست نهادهای مورد تحریم ایالات متحده امریکا قرار گرفته است.
وزارت خزانه داری آمریکا همچنین می گوید یک شرکت متعلق به سپاه پاسداران را نیز مورد تحریم قرار داده است.
در بیانیه وزارت خزانه داری امریکا آمده است که «شرکت تایدواتر خاورمیانه» که در امور خدمات دریای و بندری فعالیت میکند، متعلق به سپاه پاسداران است و سپاه از این شرکت برای حمل و نقل محمولههای غیرقانونی خود استفاده می کند.
طبق این بیانیه، شرکت سرمایهگذاری مهر اقتصاد ایرانیان نیز به دلیل ارتباط با مهربانک و سپاه پاسداران مورد تحریم قرار گرفته است.
وزارت خزانهداری آمریکا همچنین میگوید در راستای تحریم تروریستها و کسانی که به آنها کمک میکنند، بهنام شهریاری را که به نمایندگی از سوی شرکت کشتیرانی لاینر ترانسپورت کیش و شرکت بازرگانی بهنام شهریاری در راستای کمک نظامی و تسلیحاتی به حزب الله لبنان فعالیت میکرده، مورد تحریم قرار داده است.
وزارت خزانهداری ایالات متحده میگوید سپاه پاسداران به دلیل نقش اصلی اش در برنامه هستهای و موشکی جمهوری اسلامی، حمایت از تروریسم و همچنین نقض حقوق بشر در ایران، همچنان هدف اصلی تحریمهای آمریکا و جامعه بینالمللی است.
وزارت خزانهداری در حالی روز پنجشنبه از تحریم ایران ایر خبر داده که روز دوشنبه نیز ۱۰ شرکت کشتیرانی و سه فرد مرتبط با شرکت کشتیرانی جمهوری اسلامی را تحریم کرد.
وزارت خزانهداری آمریکا این اقدامات را «پاسخی به تلاشهای مستمر ایران به منظور دور زدن تحریمها و استفاده این کشور از شرکتهای صوری برای حفاظت از شرکت کشتیرانی خود» و نیز واکنشی به گسترش فعالیتهای ایران در زمینه تسلیحات کشتار جمعی اعلام کرده بود.
وزارت خزانهداری آمریکا همچنین شرکت کشتیرانی جمهوری اسلامی را متهم کرده بود، که از طریق ایجاد شرکتهای صوری در نقاط مختلف جهان برای دور زدن تحریمهای بینالمللی علیه ایران تلاش میکند.
وزارت خزانهداری آمریکا پیشتر نیز با اعلام تحریم ۳۷ شرکت و پنج شهروند ایرانی مرتبط با شرکت کشتیرانی ایران، تهران را متهم کرده بود، فعالیتهای خود را در پشت «شبکهای پیچیده از شرکتهای کشتیرانی» پنهان میکند.
گزارش جدید شورای امنیت سازمان ملل حکایت از نقص تحریمها از سوی ایران دارد. بر اساس این گزارش تقریباً همه موارد سرپیچی از تحریمها در رابطه با کمکهای تسلیحاتی ایران به سوریه است. چین و روسیه مانع انتشار این گزارش هستند.
به گزارش دویچهوله، همزمان با اعلام دور تازهای از تحریمها از سوی دولت ایالات متحده علیه ایران، نماینده این کشور در روز پنجشنبه (۲ تیر/ ۲۳ ژوئن) در سازمان ملل در کنار نمایندگان بریتانیا و فرانسه خواستار انتشار عمومی گزارش شورای امنیت درباره موارد نقض تحریمها از سوی ایران شد.
بر اساس این گزارش٬ تهران تحریمهای تسلیحاتی سازمان ملل را با ارسال اسلحه به سوریه نقض کرده است. این گزارش از سوی یک گروه موسوم به متخصصان مستقل در کمیته تحریمهای ایران در شورای امنیت تهیه شده است.
درخواست نمایندگان سه دولت غربی برای انتشار عمومی این گزارش با ممانعت چین و روسیه که تاکید داشتند این موضوع نیازمند وجود “اطلاعات قابل اتکا” است٬ به انجام نرسید.
این در حالی است که نماینده آمریکا در سازمان ملل به خبرگزاری رویترز گفت که انتشار عمومی و در اختیار همه اعضا قرار دادن چنین گزارشهایی٬ “یک رویه استاندارد” است.
به اعتقاد وی این گزارش که هنوز به صورت عمومی منتشر نشده٬ دربرگیرندهی آن دسته از اطلاعات و نمونههاییست که میتواند به دیگر کشورها در انجام تعهداتشان در ارتباط با تحریمها علیه ایران یاری رساند.
بر اساس اطلاعات به دست آمده از سوی خبرگزاری رویترز٬ بیشترین موارد نقض تحریمها از سوی ایران مرتبط با ارسال سلاح از سوی این کشور به سوریه بوده است. به گفته دیپلماتهای غربی٬ این تسلیحات قرار بوده در اختیار شبهنظامیان لبنانی و فلسطینی قرار گیرد.
گزارش ارایه شده از سوی گروه موسوم به هیات متخصصان شورای امنیت٬ گروهی که وظیفهاش گزارشدهی درباره میزان پایبندی ایران به تحریمهای سازمان ملل است٬ همچنین بیانگر آن است که تهران از طریق ادامه فعالیتهای خود در جهت توسعه برنامه هستهایاش همچنان به نقض تحریمها ادامه میدهد.
در حالی نمایندگان سه کشور غربی بر “شفافیت” شورای امنیت در قبال اعضا و انتشار گزارش نقض تحریمها توسط ایران تاکید دارند که روسیه و چین بر مخالفت خود مصر هستند.الکساندر پنکین٬ سفیر روسیه در سازمان ملل گفت: «اطلاعات سیاسی تائید نشده نباید مبنای هیچ اقدامی در شورای امنیت یا کمیته تحریمهای ایران شود.»
چین نیز که تاکنون در برابر انتشار گزارشهایی مشابه درباره سودان و کره شمالی نیز مقاومت کرده است٬ هماکنون در این مورد نیز به مخالفت با انتشار گزارش ایران پرداخته است.یانگ تائو، نماینده کشور چین در سازمان ملل اظهار داشت که کشورش خواهان حفظ بیطرفی و استقلال از سوی هیات متخصصان شورای امنیت است. او البته افزود که «پکن امیدوار است ایران گامهایی مثبت در جهت افزایش اعتماد جامعه جهانی نسبت به صلحآمیز بودن فعالیتهای هستهای خود بردارد.»
ایران همواره اتهامات کشورهای غربی و همپیمانانآنها را در رابطه با تسلیحاتی بودن اهداف برنامهی هستهای خود رد کرده است. اما به گفتهی نماینده بریتانیا «ایران هیچ دلیل خوبی هم تا به حال ارایه نکرده تا بتوان باور کرد که این کشور به دنبال برقراری مذاکرهی معنادار بر سر برنامه هستهای خود است.»
گفتوگوها درباره نقض تحریمهای سازمان ملل از سوی ایران از یک سو٬ و اعمال تحریمهای جدید بر علیه این کشور از سوی دیگر در حالی در روز پنجشنبه در جریان بود که جان بولتن، سفیر پیشین آمریکا در سازمان ملل بر گزینه نظامی علیه ایران تاکید کرد.
به گزارش نشریات آمریکایی جان بولتن، بر خلاف باراک اوباما٬ رئیسجمهور ایالات متحده٬ که در نطق اخیر خود بر خروج نیروهای نظامی آمریکا از افغانستان تاکید کرد٬ بر اتخاذ سیاستهای شدید خارجی از سوی آمریکا تاکید کرد. او گزینه پیش روی ایالات متحده در قبال پرونده هستهای ایران را گزینه نظامی علیه این کشور دانست.
بولتن گفت که جایگزینهای موجود حمله نظامی٬ نخواهند توانست ایران را از رسیدن به تسلیحات هستهای باز دارند. او تاکید کرد که «گزینههای دیپلماتیک نتیجهبخش نخواهند بود.»
بولتن همچنین بر دفاع ایالات متحده از معترضان سوری و ایرانی تاکید کرد. سخنان وی از سوی جمهوریخواهان آمریکا مورد استقبال واقع شد.
رسانه های ایران گزارش کرده اند که محمد شریف ملک زاده، معاون مستعفی وزارت امور خارجه ایران و علی اصغر پرهیزکار، مدیر عامل منطقه آزاد اروند که از نزدیکان اسفندیار رحیم مشائی هستند، بازداشت شده اند.
به گزارش بیبیسی، “یک مقام آگاه” از بازداشت آقای ملک زاده که دبیر شورای عالی ایرانیان خارج از کشور است در بامداد پنجشنبه، خبر داد و اسماعیل کوثری، نایب رئیس کمیسیون امنیت ملی و سیاست خارجی مجلس ایران هم در گفت و گو با خبرگزاری مهر این خبر را تأیید کرد.
آقای کوثری علت دستگیری آقای ملک زاده را “اتهامات مالی و داشتن پرونده های فراوان در قوه قضائیه” اعلام کرد و گفت که کمیسیون امنیت ملی مجلس پیش تر در مورد او به نهادهای دولتی هشدار داده بود.
ساعاتی بعد، خبرگزاری فارس اعلام کرد که علی اصغر پرهیزکار که “ارتباط دیرینه ای با لیدرهای اصلی جریان انحرافی” دارد توسط نیروهای امنیتی بازداشت شده است.
تعدادی از رسانه ها و چهره های اصولگرای منتقد دولت از عنوان “جریان انحرافی” برای اشاره به اسفندیار رحیم مشایی، رئیس دفتر و مشاور محمود احمدی نژاد و نزدیکان او استفاده می کنند.
محمد تهوری، تحلیلگر سیاسی در بوستون گفت تاکنون بیش از ۲۵ نفر از اطرافیان آقای احمدی نژاد که “منابع مالی و لجستیک” او بوده اند دستگیر شده اند.
او در گفتگو با بی بی سی فارسی افزود آقای احمدی نژاد اکنون یاران خود را یکی پس از دیگری از دست می دهد، اما حاکمیت احتمالا به دستگیری بدنه این گروه اکتفا می کند و به سراغ افراد بالاتر نظیر آقای مشائی نمی رود.
انتصاب آقای ملک زاده به عنوان معاون وزیر امور خارجه ایران در روزهای اخیر با مخالفت شدید نمایندگان اصولگرای منتقد دولت در مجلس مواجه شد که به طرح استیضاح وزیر خارجه و نهایتا استعفای آقای ملک زاده انجامید.
آقای ملک زاده در استعفا نامه خود تمام اتهاماتی را که علیه او مطرح شده بود تکذیب کرد و نوشت که در هیچ دادگاهی پرونده ندارد و فاقد سوءسابقه کیفری است.
مخالفان انتصاب آقای ملک زاده، از جمله گفتند که “جریان انحرافی” از دستگیری قریب الوقوع او مطلع شده بود و قصد داشت با سپردن سمت معاونت وزارت امور خارجه، نوعی مصونیت برای او تدارک ببیند.
احمد توکلی، رئیس مرکز پژوهش های مجلس ایران گفته بود که دادستان تهران موضوع تصمیم قوه قضائیه مبنی بر بازداشت آقای ملک زاده را پیش تر به وزیر امور خارجه ایران اطلاع داده بود.
خبرگزاری فارس علت دستگیری آقای پرهیزکار را گزارش نکرده اما نوشته است او از “اخراجی های رادیو تهران” است.
در هفته های اخیر گزارش هایی از دستگیری چند تن از نزدیکان دفتر رئیس جمهوری ایران منتشر شده بود.
آقای احمدی نژاد در کنفرانس خبری اخیر خود در پاسخ به سئوالی در مورد نفوذ افراد نامناسب در دفتر رئیس جمهوری، با اشاره به این دستگیری ها گفت: “آنها را که دستگیر کرده اند، دیگر بگذارند دولت کار خود را بکند”.
او موضع خود در مورد اتهامات و حملات ماه های اخیر علیه دولت را “سکوت الهام بخش وحدت” اعلام کرد.
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