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۱۳۸۹ اسفند ۴, چهارشنبه

Latest Posts from Tehran Review for 02/23/2011

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این خبرنامه حاوی عکس است. لطفا گزینه دیدن عکس را در ایمیل خود فعال کنید.



Feb 22, 2011 – N. Sayeh is a young woman in her twenties who took part in the Iranian street protests of February 20 (1st of Esfand). This is an eyewitness account of her day.

1st of Esfand. It is the seventh day after the death of two young martyrs of the Green Movement, Sane Jaleh and Mohammad Mokhtari. The Leaders of the Green Movement, Mir-Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, are under house arrest.

The plan for the 1st of Esfand protest was first published by a group in the Green Movement and afterwards confirmed by Ardeshir Amir Arjmand, legal advisor of Mir-Hossein Mousavi. No specific path was announced, but on Facebook and other green sites, all main squares in Tehran were suggested. I chose Valiasr Sq. (second important square in Tehran after Azadi Sq.) to the Valiasr four-way, and then to Azadi Sq. This direction links two of the most well-known universities of Iran, Tehran University and Sharif University. On the way to Valiasr Sq., there were security forces in all the crowded and important parts of city and also at the entrance gate of fuel stations. When I arrived at Valiasr Sq., I saw a huge amount of government forces at four sides of the square. People were walking on the sidewalks.

As usual, plain clothes forces were moving in the bus line with their motorcycles. As we got closer to Valiasr four-way, people and also forces increased. In front of the Academy of Arts an elderly woman walked along with us. She thought we should manage the protest to Pastor Street where Mousavi's house is located, and that maybe we could do something useful for our leaders under house arrest. But they closed the entrance way of the fuel station in Enghelab Street – it was full of basiji. One of them was standing on a stone, recording with a handy cam people walking on the sidewalks.

A basiji was recording with a handy cam people walking on the sidewalks

Everywhere on our way, forces were standing with batons in their hands on the sidewalks. Slightly ahead in front of the veterinary faculty, there were more and more people and the atmosphere became tense. They hit some people with batons and arrested some of them and took them to police vans. We ran away to the middle of street between the cars. On the other side of the street, some of the protesters began to shout the slogan "Death to dictator". Forces on the other side attacked the protesters. The atmosphere on both sides of the street got very tense and at last, Revolutionary Guards fired tear gas and the crowd was dispersed.

Slightly ahead, people gathered anew. In bus line 4, basiji in shroud walked and chanted slogans with Khamenei's picture and flags in their hands. We turned our heads toward them; the uproar increased so I couldn't understand what those basijis were shouting. A traffic soldier who was standing in the middle of the four-way came toward us and said: ‘Don't talk with people around you, do not trust anyone, the streets are full of intelligent service officers’. He lowered his voice and continued: ‘Light pink shirt- shiny black suit- tapered shoes.’ I looked around and saw two men with these clothes; I looked back to the soldier and he moved his head in approval. I felt terribly insecure.

I felt terribly insecure

We continued our way. It was raining and the weather got colder. As we got closer to Azadi Sq., the crowd became smaller. Forces who were standing on the sidewalks with Sepah uniforms were teenager boys with batons and shields. 'It's not serious', they laughed and winked at us, and just as their chief came toward them they stood in rows again and the smile disappeared from their faces. The old Sepahi hit their arms with his batons and warned them to be careful about their behavior.

Near to Azadi Sq., in front of Meghdad Basij station, basiji formed a long tunnel on the sidewalk. On both sides basiji stood with their batons in their hands and shields in front of their faces. Everyone should pass this tunnel. People were silent, but there was anger in their eyes. When it seemed that someone said something, the basiji raised their batons and started to hit people. We arrived at Azadi Sq. at 7 o clock. It started raining heavier. I got in a taxi and called my friends.

Two of my friends were near Vanak Sq. and talked about what they had seen. Most of the stores were closed and those that were not yet were forced by police to close their stores. Again the guards attacked people, and they ran away toward taxi and bus stations and hid. All of the roads to Vanak Sq. were heavily in traffic and most of the cars were hooting. My friend got there about 6 and then she found a taxi.
Another friend of mine was in Haqani St. He went toward Vanak and saw the crowd silent but vibrant. It seemed that an hour before, repressive forces came to that area, shouting their specific slogans like 'Heidar Heidar', they formed a climate of fear. Plain clothes hid their faces behind masks, whereas last year the protesters hid their faces – but now the regime's forces are doing it because of fear of detection by people!

At the end of the day, we get in a taxi together, and everyone was talking about politics, everyone, everywhere people were talking about discontent and suffocation, but who can we trust?


 


Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian Nobel Peace laureate and head of Iran's Human Rights Defenders Centre, has added her voice to those who say Saneh Jaleh and Mohammad Mokhtari were killed by government forces during the February 14 protests in Tehran, contradicting government claims that the two students were killed by dissidents.

In an interview with the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, Ebadi says the speed with which state news agencies announced Jaleh's killers were members of the exiled opposition group People's Mojahedin Organization — only a few hours after the shooting and with no culprits arrested — indicates that their news coverage was fabricated.

Ebadi cites the statements made by Jaleh's brother, who was reportedly arrested after he told foreign media that his brother was not a member of the government-supported militia Basij and that the Basij membership card shown on television was a fake.

Saneh Jaleh and Mohammad Mokhtari were shot on the streets of Tehran during the February 14 anti-government protests. The government maintains they were killed by the PMOI, who according to state intelligence were planning an armed confrontation with the Islamic Republic that day. The PMOI has categorically denied that allegation.

The opposition, on the other hand, maintains that the two students were shot by Iranian security forces for participating in the anti-government protests.

Ebadi also challenged the whole idea of requiring a permit to rally: "If the ministry of interior claims that all gatherings need a permit, then why are the illegal gatherings in front of Mousavi and Karroubi's homes not dealt with, yet every time students gather for demonstrations, they are considered illegal."

Pro-government forces have reportedly gathered in front of Karroubi's home night after night, chanting damning slogans and calling for his execution. Two nights ago, they attacked the building by breaking windows and throwing sound grenades inside the residence.

source: Radio Zamaneh


 


February 22, 2011
Shafagh Asha is a young man in his early twenties living in the heart of Tehran. Two times a months, he reports from us from his city.

On the 14th of February (25th of Bahman), after one year of silence, Iran's Green Movement came to life again and the dust of despair that had covered people's hearts was finally removed. After one year, the passion of idealism came back to the youngsters and hopes relived. On Ashoora of 2010, people were harshly suppressed and it made them very conservative on the 11th of February that year. Thus, the government thought that it was all over. During this year, governmental media kept saying that the sedition had ceased and there are no more protests. No one thought that Iran's government would be surprised in such a way: a Tunisian young man burns himself to death out of outrage and despair, people revolt over there and make their dictator leave, the protests spread to Egypt, Hosni Mubarak resigns, people in Iran see what's going on, come to their senses, and try to relive last year's memories. No one thought that this time Arabian people would help us remember it was millions of us who astonished the world last year and started the protests against dictators.

Two days ago was the 1st of Esfand, first day of the last month of the year, seven days after the death of at least two people who had come out on 25th of Bahman to fight for their rights. If a stranger had come here yesterday, she/he would definitely think she/he has stepped into a military campus. At every crossroads there were all types of military forces in different clothes, posing tough faces, and giving frightening looks at people. There were also vigilantes, tossing their batons in their hands or hiding them behind their back. When they moved, their handguns could be seen beneath their vests. In some areas military forces were much more than people, but people had come to demonstrate in face of all threats and the crowd could not be ignored. Sidewalks were crowded with people in Enghelab street, Vali-Asr crossroads, and Vanak square, although no obvious act of protest was carried out. There were also familiar people on buses. Those who were not able to walk beside others in the streets but didn't want to stay at home had come by bus or their cars to the main streets, to protect people. All those fearful looks were a sign that we are still alive with our hopes and will go down this long, dangerous path to the end.

These days, Iran is a large prison

These days, Iran is a large prison. A prison for students, women, political activists, and the Green Movement leaders. Evin prison is no longer bound to an area in the north of Tehran. Its boundaries are now the boundaries of Iran, the houses are now prison cells, houses of Mousavi, Rahnavard, and Karroubi. I wonder what is Mousavi now doing behind that tall metal walls, how Zeidabadi is doing in Karak Prison, how all those innocent youngsters who have been arrested are doing. I think to myself that it feels awful to be awaiting. We must not let our young fellows come out of prison with their hair white. I think about us, day by day feeling that the walls of this invisible prison have moved closer.

I have asserted many times that the Green Movement is still alive, but that it has only moved from the streets to people's homes and the virtual area. I feel happy now to see that people are again filled with hope. There are no more words of regretting the Arabian countries and no signs of being passive. Now the situation has changed and as usual the government is astonished by what it could never predict. Let them march in the street with all the army they have. They also know that if for one second they put their guns and batons away, tons of people will demonstrate in the streets. There is no use building a dam over the flood, it will stop the movement only for a short while, then the water will rise so high it will break the dam and take everything away with it. Killing every single person has a huge expense for the government. Every arrest, every detention, every baton that comes down, makes people more willful to go through the end of the way, now that they have come this far and paid this much expense.

Our manifesto, declaration, and koktel-molotov are Facebook and Twitter

We are the post-revolution generation. Although we have been told thing again and again, we have realized the truth lying beneath them. We are children of the virtual area, after all we move behind the boundaries set, and we make everyone hear our voice loud and clear. Our manifesto, declaration, and koktel-molotov are Facebook and Twitter. This generation cannot be defeated. Seeing the photograph of Sane' Zhale, we quickly realize it is manipulated by Photoshop. We can no longer be deceited.

Yesterday the cops were pushing a young man with long hair to the police car. Drops of blood fell from his head and made the side walk red. I took a look at the face of those who beat him. They were young men like myself. I wonder how they are convinced to struck metal batons to their compatriot's head. I tell myself it is not like thirty years before; when the truth is revealed, many of these people who are now committing violent acts with faith and intolerance will regret what they have done.

It is now eight days that Mousavi, Rahnavard, and Karroubi are under home-arrest. The famous method of Iran's government for suppressing major protesters. Will the home-arrest last for years or will it end in few days? Will Ayatollah Montazeri's experience happen again? We should wait and see. Whatever happens, I am sure if one day Iran's politics' phoenix burns in its own flame, its children would rise from the ash and go on protesting. For this path is not to be left unfinished.

* Part of a poem by Nima Youshij


 


Iranian security forces swept through the homes of opposition leader Mehdi Karroubi and his family, arresting one of his sons and confiscating several documents, his website reported on Tuesday.

Karroubi’s website Sahamnews.org reported three separate security operations against the cleric and his family members on Monday, in which his son Ali was arrested. In one operation, security forces raided Karroubi’s house in Tehran and “took with them a large number of books and documents.”

“The security forces confined Mrs and Mr Karroubi in separate rooms and then proceeded to search the home and replace all the locks,” the website said, adding that the fate of the cleric and his wife was unknown.

Karroubi, reportedly under house arrest, is facing fresh crackdown from authorities after his supporters and those of fellow opposition leader Mir-Hossein Mousavi staged two demonstrations against the government last week. The first demonstration on Monday resulted in deadly clashes with security forces in which two people were killed and several, including nine security personnel, were wounded, opposition websites and officials say. The second attempt on Sunday was crushed by a massive security presence in Tehran which prevented any large scale demonstrations from taking place in the capital.

The recent protests by their supporters have infuriated regime-backers who have advocated complete isolation of the two men, with some, like conservative lawmakers, even demanding they be executed. But Karroubi and Mousavi, whose rebellion has rocked the Islamic regime, have praised their supporters for Monday’s gathering even as authorities moved in to cut their communication networks.

Sahamnews.org said that in a separate operation security forces arrested Karroubi’s third son, Ali, late on Monday.

“Security forces entered Ali Karroubi’s house last night and arrested him. So far there are no reports on Ali Karroubi’s fate,” it said, adding that his wife too was briefly detained. The website also reported that the house of Karroubi’s other son, Hossein, too was raided on Monday but security forces “failed to arrest him as he was not present” there.

A top Iranian judiciary official meanwhile warned on Tuesday that anybody who followed the opposition leaders will now be treated as an “anti-revolutionary”.

“If someone listens to the call of the seditionists today, that person is anti-revolutionary and should be treated as an anti-revolutionary,” Iran’s prosecutor general Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejeie said.

He said the line of distinction was now clear between followers of the revolution and those against it, but added that those who return to the regime’s fold after apologising should be welcomed back.

source: AFP


 


عبدالکریم سروش می گوید خانواده اش تحت فشار قرار دارند و برخی فرزندانش مجبور به خروج از کشور شده اند

به گزارش بی‌بی‌سی، عبدالکریم سروش، متفکر دینی و از منتقدان حکومت ایران، طی نامه شدیدالحنی گفته است ماموران امنیتی داماد او را بدلیل نسبت خانوادگی تحت شکنجه های شدیدی قرار داده اند.

آقای سروش در این بیانیه که نسخه ای از آن به بی بی سی فارسی رسیده گفته است مسئولین امنیتی حامد (داماد او) را از ده ماه پیش مورد آزار و اذیت قرار دادند.

وی نوشته است: “باغ وحش ولایت، طعمه می خواست. دیوان با داغ و درفش به سراغش آمدند و وحشت ها به جانش افکندند. و دست آخر دو راهه یی پیش پای او نهادند: که یا دست از جان بشوی و یا به صدا و سیما بیا و هر چه ما می خواهیم بگوی.”

به نوشته آقای سروش آنها از دامادش که اکنون در خارج از کشور بسر می برد، می خواستند در جلوی دوربین بگوید که همسرش “هرزه و هرجایی است و لذا شایسته طلاق” و پدر همسرش، عبدالکریم سروش، هم وابسته به خارج و دشمن دین است.

عبدالکریم سروش می نویسد هنگامیکه داماد او حاضر به همکاری نشد مورد شکنجه های جسمی و روحی قرار گرفت: “کمترینش آنکه یکشب تا صبح، برهنه در سردخانه یی، او را لرزاندند و ترساندند و …”

آقای سروش بدنبال خشونتهای پس از انتخابات سال گذشته انتقادات زیادی از حکومت و مقام های ایران کرده است.

او چند ماه پس از انتخابات در نامه ای تحت عنوان “جشن زوال استبداد دینی” نوشت که ایران بسوی حکومتی فرادینی پیش می رود و آیت الله خامنه ای را متهم کرد که حاضر بوده “آبروی خدا برود” و “مردم به دیانت و نبوت پشت کنند”، اما به ولایت او آسیب نرسد.

وی در خرداد گذشته نیز طی نامه دیگری خطاب به آیت الله خامنه ای نوشت که با صدای مردم فرمان “هبوط” او صادر شده و بهتر است خود “ردای نا باندام ریاست را از تن بیرون کند” و به مسجد کرامت مشهد که پیش از انقلاب به آن رفت و آمد داشته بازگردد.

وبسایت شخصی او چندی پیش خبری درباره حمله ماموران امنیتی به موسسه صراط در تهران که آثار او را چاپ می کند، منتشر کرد.

این سایت همچنین نوشت که برخی فرزندان او بدلیل فشارهای حکومت مجبور به ترک کشور شده اند.

عبدالکریم سروش در بیانیه اخیر خود نوشته هنگامیکه برای دلداری به داماد خود گفته “خدا از آنان نگذرد،” داماد او گفته است: “اسم خدا را نبرید، خدا نیست، نیست، نیست.”

او نوشته است “دین همچون شراب است. آن چنان را آن چنان تر می کند. حیوان ها را حیوان تر و انسان ها را انسان تر” و سپس مسئولین حکومت ایران را متهم کرده که “قتل و غصب و تجاوز را تکلیف خود می دانند و برای آن حجت شرعی دارند و همین آنانرا خطرناک تر می کند.”

طی نزدیک به دو سالی که از انتخابات می گذرد، بسیاری از زندانیان سیاسی و خانواده های آنها حکومت را متهم به شکنجه های روانی و جسمی زیادی کرده اند.

اما مقام های قضایی ایران همواره داشتن زندانی سیاسی و اعمال شکنجه را رد کرده اند.

آقای سروش در این بیانیه گفته است که داماد او هیچ فعالیت سیاسی نداشته و تنها بدلیل ارتباط خانوادگی تحت فشار قرار گرفته است.

او در پایان بر “جمهوری کافرپرور اسلامی ایران، لعنت و نفرین” فرستاده است.


 


منابع خبری دانشجویی و سایت‌های نزدیک به معترضان گزارش داده‌اند روز یکشنبه، یکی از دانشجویان دانشگاه شیراز به دست نیروهای حکومتی کشته شده است؛ این در حالی است که خبرگزاری فارس با تکذیب این خبر گفته است این دانشجو تصادف کرده و در جریان درگیری کشته نشده است.

به گزارش رادیو فردا، بنا برگزارش وب‌سایت دانشجونیوز، حامد نورمحمدی، دانشجوی رشته زیست‌شناسی دانشگاه شیراز، ساکن خوابگاه دستغیب و اهل خرم‌آباد یکم اسفندماه در میدان نمازی مقابل سختمان شماره یک دانشکده مهندسی در حال فرار از دست ماموران حکومتی کشته شده است.

برپایه گزارش دانشجو نیوز، این دانشجو به وسیله ماموران امنیتی از روی پل نمازی به پایین پرت شده و پس از برخورد با یک خودرو در خیابان ساحلی کشته شده است.

با این حال خبرگزاری فارس، در گزارش خود به نقل از رئیس دانشگاه شیراز آورده است که «حامد نورمحمدی دانشجوی رشته زیست شناسی دانشگاه شیراز روز گذشته در تجمعات فتنه‌گران حضور نداشته بلکه بر اثر تصادف با یک دستگاه پژو پارس فوت کرده است.»

خبرگزاری فارس پیش از این نیز در گزارش‌های متعدد، علی‌رغم تکذیب دانشجویان و خانواده صانع ژاله، وی را یک بسیجی معرفی کرده بود که به دست معترضان در روز ۲۵ بهمن کشته شده است.

خبرگزاری فارس از بامداد روز یکشنبه در گزارش‌ها و مصاحبه‌های متعدد اعلام کرد که در تجمعات روز یکشنبه معترضان و «منافقان» قصد کشته‌سازی دارند؛

این خبرگزاری همچنین با آنکه از دستگیری فائزه هاشمی در میان معترضان خبر داده بود در گزارش‌های دیگر خود شهر تهران را کاملا آرام توصیف کرده بود.

دانشجونیوز گزارش داده است که با کشته شدن حامد نورمحمدی شماری از دانشجویان فعال دانشگاه شیراز از ورود به دانشگاه و خوابگاه منع شده‌اند.

از سوی دیگر وب‌سایت جرس نیز به نقل به نقل از منابع خود گزارش داده است که خانواده حامد نورمحمدی از سوی نیروهای امنیتی تهدید شده‌اند.

روز یکشنبه شهر شیراز نیز در کنار چندین شهر ایران در پاسخ به فراخوان شورای هماهنگی راه سبز امید و به مناسبت کشته شدن دو دانشجو در تهران، شاهد تجمعات گسترده بود.


 


سایت سحام‌نیوز، ارگان رسمی حزب اعتماد ملی، از حمله به منزل مهدی کروبی با نارنجک صوتی خبر داده است. این حمله در ساعات اولیه‌ دوشنبه، دوم اسفندماه،‌انجام شده است.

به گزارش دویچه‌وله و به نقل از سحام‌نیوز، بین ساعت‌های یک الی ۲ بامداد دوشنبه (۲ اسفند، ۲۱ فوریه) «نزدیک به ۳۰ نفر» با پرتاب چندین نارنجک صوتی به منزل کروبی حمله کرده‌اند.

طبق این گزارش، این حمله با «هماهنگی مأموران حصر وزارت اطلاعات مستقر در منزل مهدی کروبی» انجام شده است.

به گفته سحام نیوز، مهاجمان با شعار “سید علی می‌رزمد کروبی می‌لرزد” اقدام به تخریب شیشه‌های منزل و پرتاب بمب‌های صوتی برای ایجاد رعب و وحشت در منطقه ‌کرده‌اند.

این سایت همچنین می‌نویسد، «نیروی انتظامی که ۵ شب گذشته را در محل حضور داشت این بار با هماهنگی مقامات در محل حضور نیافت و مأموران وزارت اطلاعات با ترک محل شرایط» را برای این حمله مهیا کردند.

سحام‌ نیوز از قول شاهدان عینی می‌نویسد، مردم منطقه که بر اثر این حمله دچار وحشت شده بودند به رفتار مهاجمان اعتراض کردند که این اعتراض با «فحاشی و تهدید مهاجمان» روبرو شد. مهاجمان همچنین تلاش کردند «یک زن را که سعی داشت از این صحنه‌ها عکس بگیرد» دستگیر کنند که با مقاومت ساکنان موفق به این اقدام نشدند.

به گزارش سحام‌نیوز،‌مهاجمان با خواندن قطعنامه‌ای این عملیات را «بخش کوچکی از حکم جهاد آیت‌الله خامنه‌ای»، رهبر جمهوری اسلامی خوانده و اعلام کردند: «منتظر فرمان نهایی خامنه‌ای برای بریدن سر کروبی و همسرش و آویزان کردن آنها در میادین شهر هستیم.»

مهدی کروبی و همسرش از سیزده روز پیش در پی دعوت از مردم برای راه‌پیمایی ۲۵ بهمن در حمایت از مردم تونس و مصر با حصر خانگی روبرو شده‌اند. این دعوت از سوی کروبی و میرحسین موسوی، از دیگر سران مخالفان دولت، انجام شده بود.

به گفته سحام‌نیوز، از آن زمان تا کنون فرزندان آقای کروبی موفق به دیدار وی نشده‌اند. سحام‌نیوز همچنین می‌نویسد، هنوز از سلامت جسمانی کروبی و فاطمه کروبی همسر وی، اطلاعی در دست نیست.

در روزهای گذشته و بخصوص پس از راه‌پیمایی اعتراضی ۲۵ بهمن، حمله طرفداران دولت ایران به مهدی کروبی و میرحسین موسوی بالا گرفته است. بسیاری از شخصیت‌ها و سایت‌های نزدیک به حکومت ایران که از این دو به عنوان “سران فتنه” یاد می‌کنند خواستار محاکمه و حتی اعدام آنها شده‌اند.

مهدی کروبی در نامه‌ای به صادق لاریجانی، رئیس قوه قضائیه‌، از وی خواسته تا وعده‌ها را عملی کرده و مقدمات تشکیل دادگاهی عادلانه و علنی را فراهم آورد تا «کیفرخواست و دفاعیات مطرح گردد و مردم از حقیقت آگاهی یابند».

مهدی کروبی، دبیر کل حزب اعتماد ملی، در این نامه همچنین از «فحاشی و هتاکی روحانی‌نمایان و موتورسوارانی» که طی روزهای گذشته مقابل منزل وی جمع شده و «آرامش ساکنان منطقه را بر هم زده‌اند» شکایت کرده و افزوده است، مراسم این گروه با زشت‌ترین کلمات علیه «به اصطلاح سران فتنه» آغاز شده و با دعا و طلب عمر برای «مقام رهبری» پایان می‌یابد.

کروبی در این نامه تأکید کرده که «در دفاع از حقوق بر حق مردم ایران» دچار تزلزل نخواهد شد و «تا آخرین لحظه کنار مردم» خواهد ماند.


 
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